From the Editor's Desk

The dominant media and the political parties continue to be obsessed in one way or another with the ‘victory’ in the war against the LTTE, or rather the war against terrorism, so that protests about the violation of democratic and human rights by the state and issues of corruption and abuse of power by those in government seem rather muted. The only thing that seems to trouble the two main Sinhala chauvinist parties in opposition is that the government has taken advantage of the military success to win the elections to the Provincial Councils, most recently to the Wayamba (North Western) and Central provinces in February.

The genuine left and progressive and democratic forces have always argued for an end to the fighting and a just political solution through negotiations, not based on considerations military success or failure but because a military approach cannot resolve the underlying issues and will only make things worse for the country and all nationalities.

The national question is still the main contradiction in the country and will remain so even if the government takes full control of every square inch of territory under the control of the LTTE. Even the annihilation of the LTTE as a military force cannot resolve the national question, which can only have a negotiated solution. No government of Sri Lanka has approached the problem with the aim of finding a just and lasting solution acceptable to the nationalities concerned. The repressive approach of the UNP government since 1978 did not take long to develop into a genocidal war leading to foreign military intervention in the North-East and a bitter civil war in the South. But reactionaries never learn from their mistakes.

The approach of the Tamil militants was erroneous in its lack of democracy and rejection of mass politics and mass struggle; and short-sighted in its failure to recognise the need to forge broad-based alliances nationally and internationally with the oppressed classes and nationalities struggling against oppression. The struggle against national oppression was purely militaristic, and deluded by military successes in the period running up to the Ceasefire Agreement of 2002.

Both the government and the LTTE relied on foreign support for their respective causes, especially after peace negotiations began to falter in 2003. The result was that both sides allowed themselves and the country to be manipulated by foreign powers, especially US imperialism and Indian expansionism, under various pretexts, so that the country is well enmeshed in the wrangle for hegemony in South Asia, especially between the global superpower and the regional hegemonic power, with the latter tempted by the prospect of becoming the unchallenged regional power under the patronage of the former, and the former to use the latter for its purpose of encircling and weakening China and Russia before they are serious contenders for global domination.

The conduct of India and the ‘international community’ in issues relating to the human tragedy in Sri Lanka, especially in the past three years, vividly showed their hypocrisy and cynicism. The pursuit of war by the Sri Lankan government did not trouble them, except to the extent that it affected whatever political, military or economic interests of each here in the context of their regional and global ambitions.

It is wrong to expect imperialist and hegemonic powers to act differently. It is equally wrong to expect the local reactionary ruling classes to act differently from the way they are acting. Thus despite all the words of sympathy and concern and appeals for a peaceful resolution of the national question, the plight of the oppressed nationalities can only get worse and not better in the foreseeable near future. The kind of class forces dominating the government and the main opposition parties are not inclined to improve the lot of those already displaced by the war in the Vanni or are likely to be displaced in the weeks to come, let alone resolve the national question.

There are urgent problems concerning the safety and essential needs of the victims of war, who are in a desperate situation where they are unable to obtain the necessary food, clothing, shelter and medicine and live in fear for their lives. The New-Democratic Party in a recent statement has pleaded with the government that they should not be victimised in any way, and stressed that it is the duty of the government to provide them with full protection, their basic needs and consolation. But utterances by those drunken with military success seem ominous. Proposals have been made, and later retracted, about setting up ‘model villages’ after the fashion in which the British colonialists did in Malaya (now the most populous part of Malaysia) and the US imperialists in Vietnam to combat ‘communist terror’. The fact that such things can even be suggested does not bode well for peace in this country.

The genuine left and democratic forces in the South should take the initiative in reversing this state of affairs and retrieve the country from the social, economic and political mess into which it is sinking fast and the hands of foreign powers.

New Democracy 32